We agree on nearly everything here. I was just trying to give some perspective from someone that literally spent a decade in the from 97-07 walking the streets being discussed. It chafes me when ignorance from afar is proffered up as gospel as it with the tribulations of Chicago. No one wants to discuss that the problem started back in back in 1933...Nothing to do with racism and I wont acquaint myself with the arguments that say it is so or the best thing to do is wall the city and let them kill each other.
One point of your post is telling.....
"During those 27 years I never owned a gun and never had a violent encounter."
Of course you didnt because you are not in that segment of the community that looks on shootings as part of doing business or engages in the gang activity.
So because you are not affected nothing should be done?
Thats been Rahms position and that is why he is leaving.
How about the young family working their asses off trying to do the right thing with only enough money to live in a crime ridden area? The mom that used her Hi Point carbine to chase off home invaders in that area is my hero. I wish she would get some help from her officials her taxes pay the salary of.
But she wont because the shootings dont effect contributions to politicians, in fact they enhance them, as donors donate to ensure that crime stays contained to the "bad" areas and never comes to their neighborhoods.
Changes need to be made in the courts.
They need to start treating gun criminals the way they want to treat lawful gun owners.
Abuse your freedoms protected from infringement in the Constitution there should be a high bar to jump to get them back and a serious loss of freedom.
Probation isnt the answer.
"The fate of public housing in America — its rise, much of it in the form of towers like Cabrini-Green, and its fall as those towers came down — is the story of urban poverty as an unsteady political priority. In his first year as president, in 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt created the federal Housing Division, as part of the Public Works Administration. The P.W.A. built the country’s first 51 public-housing developments, including three in Chicago. By then the shortcomings of the for-profit real estate market were evident in eviction riots, in sprawling homeless encampments and in cities overflowing with mile after mile of cheap, decrepit frame dwellings. In segregated black neighborhoods, where families were excluded from competing for housing on the open market, the conditions were more dire. Without government intervention in some form, private developers and landlords were never going to build or maintain anywhere near enough homes for the urban poor. Like other New Deal assistance programs — relief for farmers, aid to senior citizens through Social Security, food stamps — public housing treated poverty as a widespread social and economic injustice that the country was obligated to right. The subsidy was also intended to help jump-start the economy by rebuilding moribund cities and creating jobs. In 1937, Congress passed more extensive legislation, establishing a federal housing agency; Chicago and other cities formed their own housing authorities to operate the program locally. “I see one-third of a nation ill housed, ill clad, ill nourished,” Roosevelt announced that year. “The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.”